Senator Elizabeth Warren is a nationally known progressive. Here’s five things about her record you may not know.

Senator Elizabeth Warren. Brynn Anderson/Associated Press

During her first term, Massachusetts Senator Elizabeth Warren was a rising star in the Democratic Party. Her second saw a bumpier ride, as her national popularity hit a ceiling and her presidential campaign fell apart, but her influence expanded in Washington.

Warren, who is currently seeking a third term in the US Senate, has developed a profile reaching far beyond the Commonwealth as a forceful, plan-driven progressive willing to take on corporate America. Her current term was bookended, in its early years, by her pitch that she should be the first woman to lead the country as president and, this year, her case that voters should give a former rival, Vice President Kamala Harris, that mantle instead.

The senator, who struggled during the 2020 Democratic presidential primary to unite moderates and progressives into a winning coalition, now finds herself with immense reach in D.C. and continued support back home. Her fingerprints are on policies over the last 12 years ranging from student loan debt cancellation to allowing over-the-counter sales of hearing aids, and her office has touted bringing $50 billion in infrastructure projects back to the state.

“Her first term was more about building power, and the second term was more about having and using power,” said Dan Geldon, a longtime Warren adviser.

Here are some of Warren’s notable political moves during her last six years in office.

After Warren’s failed run for president, her influence in Washington grew significantly — largely through people.

In February 2019, Warren joined the large fray of Democrats seeking to take on former president Donald Trump in 2020, calling for “big structural change” and seemingly producing a plan for everything. She didn’t place higher than third in any primary state she competed in, including Massachusetts.

While voters didn’t back her to lead the party that year, her reach in Washington has grown tremendously.

Warren’s influence isn’t due to a specific title or role. Rather, her belief that “personnel is policy” became a reality as many Warren allies and protégés joined the Biden administration and other Democratic organizations. She advocated for ideologically aligned hires more inclined to support financial policies beneficial to workers over corporations, an area where she and Biden often aligned.

Those people took positions in areas ranging from the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau she helped create, to roles addressing defense and climate policy. Deb Haaland, the US secretary of the interior, for example, was a co-chair for Warren’s presidential campaign.

Her expanded network helped her, directly and indirectly, shape federal policy. In 2022, Ron Klain, then Biden’s chief of staff, told the Globe Warren “really understands how to work the inside game, how to work with her colleagues on the Hill, how to work with us at the White House” and that they “take her recommendations very seriously.”

Warren has drawn fire on some hot-button issues and broken with Massachusetts Democrats.

Warren has at times diverged from other Massachusetts Democrats, from backing a different candidate for state attorney general in 2022, to supporting unionization efforts in the State House. She’s also sometimes drawn criticism for her stances on pressing national issues, such as border security and the conflict in the Middle East.

Warren disagreed with some key Massachusetts Democrats, including Governor Maura Healey, on immigration, where she has resisted cracking down on migrants entering the country. She criticized Biden for imposing new asylum request restrictions in June and voted with most Republicans against a bipartisan immigration framework in February, after it became clear it would not meet the 60 votes required to advance.

She acknowledged how the migrant crisis has put pressure on Massachusetts, but wants future plans to give more federal resources to states facing migrant surges and create pathways to citizenship.

While seen as a champion for progressive causes, Warren drew some blowback from the left for her stance on the war in Israel and Gaza. Shortly after the Oct. 7 attack in Israel prompted war in Gaza, hundreds of former staffers for her presidential campaign signed an open letter urging her to call for a permanent cease-fire. She supported a temporary one in November.

Later, she received criticism from some Jewish organizations for saying in April she believed Israel’s war in Gaza would legally be considered a “genocide.” Her statement on the anniversary of the Oct. 7 attacks also saw some opposition for sharply criticizing Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu.

Warren helped drive student debt relief efforts, part of a crusade to reshape how Democrats approach economic policy.

Early in her presidential run, Warren rolled out a plan to cancel about $640 billion in student loan debt. Years later, record levels of college debt forgiveness — about $175 billion so far — are among the Biden administration’s signature achievements.

Warren was one of the most vocal advocates urging the administration to tackle the issue, from rallying union support to sharing stories of borrowers with the president. It’s one way in which Warren pushed her party to rethink its approach to economic policy — she has also taken credit for a 15 percent corporate minimum tax, another campaign proposal, that was part of the 2022 Inflation Reduction Act.

That isn’t to say she’s always gotten her way. She has feuded with Biden appointees such as Secretary of Commerce Gina Raimondo over their ties to Wall Street. And some she supports have taken fire, including FTC chair Lina Khan, whose tenure has drawn criticism from many in the business world — and some Democrats — who say her tough posture goes beyond the agency’s purview. Khan’s critics include Harris allies, such as billionaire Mark Cuban, who blasted Warren “as everything that’s wrong with politics.”

Bharat Ramamurti, former deputy director at the National Economic Council under the Biden administration who worked for Warren’s campaign, said her 2020 bid helped popularize messaging on issues such as taxing the rich. Both her campaign and office, he said, have often been incubators of progressive ideas.

“People recognized there was a certain hunger for calling out the problem clearly and specifically, naming the people who had caused this problem, and then talking about what you were going to do with it,” Ramamurti said. “Democrats, in particular, didn’t have to be in this defensive crouch when it came to economic policy.”

Though clearly left-leaning, Warren has continued to shepherd bipartisan policies that influenced niche issues.

Warren is viewed by many as a partisan figure; she is often seen advocating, around the country, for Democrats like Harris or on issues like abortion access. She deploys fierce rhetoric about core issues and isn’t shy about unleashing a cutting attack. But her supporters are quick to point out that she also works with Republicans. Of the 19 bills she sponsored that became law during her second term, according to her office, eight had Republican co-sponsors.

Earlier this year, she worked with Senator Josh Hawley of Missouri, one of the most conservative senators, on an amendment to the Federal Aviation Administration Reauthorization Act. The change allowed consumers to receive automatic refunds if an airline canceled or significantly delayed their flight.

And in 2021, she worked with Senator Steve Daines, who chairs the Republican Senate campaign finance arm, on the Retirement Savings Lost and Found Act. That measure, included in a 2022 Senate funding bill, was designed to help Americans track retirement benefits accrued across different jobs or from companies that may have changed their names.

She has also, at times, partnered with Senator JD Vance of Ohio, Trump’s running mate. The unlikely pair united over a shared embrace of anti-corporate populism, an area where Warren still on occasion differs from her Democratic peers.

While other Democrats have embraced new tech, Warren has remained skeptical.

Much of Warren’s work in the Senate has focused on oversight. One area she’s struggled to gain more support in such an effort, however, is technology, as she’s long railed against big tech and sought to break up giants such as Meta and Google.

Last year, she and Senator Lindsey Graham of South Carolina sponsored legislation to create a new regulatory group tasked with “licensing and policing” tech companies, an idea that has yet to draw much support. Warren has expressed concerns about how artificial intelligence could be used in industries from medicine to journalism.

Warren has heavily criticized cryptocurrency, raising questions about whether it would pose a national security threat. That’s drawn backlash both at home and in D.C.: Wealthy crypto investors have donated to her Republican opponent, John Deaton, a personal injury attorney and crypto advocate. His campaign has also drawn support from tech superstars including Elon Musk, another billionaire with whom Warren has feuded.

Some Senate colleagues, including Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer, have expressed greater interest in the industry. Several dozen Democrats supported an effort earlier this year to change SEC guidelines that could discourage banks from holding digital assets, against Warren’s opposition. With both Harris and Trump expressing an openness to emerging financial tech, it’s unclear how her perspective would fare in the next administration.