fb-pixel
Analysis

Trump’s attack on election is about his fear of losing

President Trump visited the American Red Cross headquarters in Washington Thursday. He did not go to the funeral of Representative John Lewis, which was attended by his three immediate predecessors.
President Trump visited the American Red Cross headquarters in Washington Thursday. He did not go to the funeral of Representative John Lewis, which was attended by his three immediate predecessors. Doug Mills/The New York Times via AP, Pool/Pool The New York Times via AP

For several years, it has been the stuff of his opponents’ nightmares: that President Trump, facing the prospect of defeat in the 2020 election, would declare by presidential edict that the vote had been delayed or canceled.

Never mind that no president has that power, that the timing of federal elections has been fixed since the 19th century and that the Constitution sets an immovable expiration date on the president’s term. Given Trump’s contempt for the legal limits on his office and his oft-expressed admiration for foreign dictators, it hardly seemed far-fetched to imagine he would at least attempt the gambit.

Advertisement



But when the moment came Thursday, with Trump suggesting for the first time that the election could be delayed, his proposal appeared as impotent as it was predictable — less a stunning assertion of his authority than yet another lament that his political prospects have dimmed amid a global public health crisis. Indeed, his comments on Twitter came shortly after the Commerce Department reported that US economic output contracted last quarter at the fastest rate in recorded history, underscoring one of Trump’s most severe vulnerabilities as he pursues a second term.

“It will be a great embarrassment to the USA,” Trump tweeted of the election, asserting without evidence that mail-in voting would lead to fraud. “Delay the Election until people can properly, securely and safely vote???”

The most powerful leaders in Congress immediately shot down the idea of moving the election, including the top figures in Trump’s own party.

“Never in the history of the country — through wars, depressions and the Civil War — have we ever not had a federally scheduled election on time, and we’ll find a way to do that again this Nov. 3,” Mitch McConnell, the Senate majority leader, said in an interview with WNKY television in Kentucky. “We’ll cope with whatever the situation is and have the election on Nov. 3 as already scheduled.”

Advertisement



Trump’s tweet about delaying the election put a self-pitying exclamation mark on a phase of his presidency defined not by the accumulation of executive power but by an abdication of presidential leadership on a national emergency.

Faced with the kind of economic wreckage besieging millions of Americans, any other president would be shoulder-deep in the process of marshaling his top lieutenants and leaders in Congress to form a robust government response. Instead, Trump has been absent this week from economic relief talks, even as a crucial unemployment benefit is poised to expire and the Federal Reserve chair, Jerome Powell, warned publicly that the country’s recovery is lagging.

And any other president confronted with a virulent viral outbreak across huge regions of the country would be at least trying to deliver a clear and consistent message about public safety. Instead, Trump has continued to promote a drug with no proven efficacy, hydroxychloroquine, as a potential miracle cure and demand that schools and businesses reopen quickly — even as he has also claimed that it might be impossible to hold a safe election.

William F. Weld, the former governor of Massachusetts who mounted a largely symbolic challenge to Trump in the Republican primaries this year, said Thursday that the election delay idea was “not a legitimate threat.”

“So many dead and the economy in free fall — and what’s his reaction? Delay the election,” Weld said. “It’s a sign of a mind that’s having a great deal of difficulty coming to terms with reality.”

Advertisement



Trump has attacked the legitimacy of US elections before. Even after winning the Electoral College in 2016, Trump cast doubt on the popular vote and postulated baselessly that Hillary Clinton’s substantial lead in that metric had been tainted by illegal voting.

With that as precedent, there has never been much doubt — certainly among his opponents — that Trump would attempt to undercut the election if it appeared likely he would lose it. While Trump does not have the power to shift the date of the election, there is ample concern among Democrats that his appointees in Washington or his allies in state governments could make a large-scale effort to snarl the process of voting.

Opposition leaders expressed outrage, but most agreed, in public and private, that Trump’s outburst should be treated as a distress call rather than a real statement of his governing intentions.

House Speaker Nancy Pelosi, the most powerful Democrat in government, replied to Trump’s tweet simply by posting on Twitter the language from the Constitution stating that Congress, not the president, sets the date of national elections.

Some Republicans were blunt in their rejection of Trump’s position.

“Make no mistake: the election will happen in New Hampshire on November 3rd. End of story,” Governor Chris Sununu of New Hampshire, a Republican who is up for reelection, said on Twitter.

Senator Marco Rubio of Florida said on Capitol Hill, “Since 1845, we’ve had an election on the first Tuesday after November 1, and we’re going to have one again this year.”

Advertisement



Even Trump’s campaign declined to turn his tweet into a rallying cry, instead playing down the notion that it might have been a policy prescription. Hogan Gidley, a spokesman for the campaign, said Trump was “just raising a question about the chaos Democrats have created with their insistence on all mail-in voting” — an obviously false paraphrase of the president’s tweet, one that minimized the gravity of what Trump had said.

The timing of Trump’s tweet, as much as the content, highlighted the extent to which he has become a loud but isolated figure in government and in the public life of the country. In addition to failing to devise a credible national response to the coronavirus pandemic, he has made no attempt to play the traditional presidential role of calming the country in moments of fear and soothing it in moments of grief.

Never was that more apparent than Thursday, when Trump spent the morning posting a combination of incendiary and pedestrian tweets, while his three immediate predecessors — Barack Obama, George W. Bush, and Bill Clinton — gathered in Atlanta for the funeral of John Lewis, the congressman and civil rights hero.

As mourners assembled at the Ebenezer Baptist Church, Trump had other matters on his mind, like hypothetical election fraud and, as it happened, Italian food.

“Support Patio Pizza and its wonderful owner, Guy Caligiuri, in St. James, Long Island (N.Y.),” the president tweeted, referring to a restaurateur who said he faced backlash for supporting Trump. “Great Pizza!!!”

Advertisement