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    Did Democrats really consider dumping nominee Hillary Clinton?

    Former Democratic National Committee chairwoman Donna Brazile (left) says she considered selecting Joe Biden to replace Hillary Clinton (right) on the November 2016 ballot.
    AFP/Getty Images/File photos
    Former Democratic National Committee chairwoman Donna Brazile (left) says she considered selecting Joe Biden to replace Hillary Clinton (right) on the November 2016 ballot.

    WASHINGTON — Former Democratic National Committee head Donna Brazile writes in a new book that she seriously contemplated setting in motion a process to replace Hillary Clinton as the party’s 2016 presidential nominee with then-Vice President Joe Biden in the aftermath of Clinton’s fainting spell, in part because Clinton’s campaign was “anemic” and had taken on “the odor of failure.”

    In an explosive new memoir, Brazile details widespread dysfunction and dissension throughout the Democratic Party, including secret deliberations over using her powers as interim DNC chair to initiate the process of removing Clinton and running mate Tim Kaine from the ticket after Clinton’s Sept. 11, 2016, collapse in New York City.

    Brazile writes that she considered a dozen combinations to replace the nominees and settled on Biden and Senator Cory Booker of New Jersey, the duo she felt most certain would win over enough working-class voters to defeat Republican Donald Trump. But then, she writes, “I thought of Hillary, and all the women in the country who were so proud of and excited about her. I could not do this to them.”

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    Brazile paints a scathing portrait of Clinton as a well-intentioned, historic candidate whose campaign was badly mismanaged, took minority constituencies for granted, and made blunders with “stiff” and “stupid” messages. The campaign was so lacking in passion for the candidate, she writes, that its New York headquarters felt like a sterile hospital ward where “someone had died.”

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    Brazile alleges that Clinton’s top aides routinely disrespected her and put the DNC on a “starvation diet,” depriving it of funding for voter turnout operations.

    As one of her party’s most prominent black strategists, Brazile also recounts fiery disagreements with Clinton’s staffers, including a conference call in which she told three senior campaign officials — Charlie Baker, Marlon Marshall, and Dennis Cheng — that she was being treated like a slave.

    “I’m not Patsey the slave,” Brazile recalls telling them, a reference to the character played by Lupita Nyong’o in the film, “12 Years a Slave.” “Y’all keep whipping me and whipping me and you never give me any money or any way to do my damn job. I am not going to be your whipping girl!”

    Cheng, the campaign’s national finance director, did not participate in this call, according to a senior Clinton campaign official.

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    Brazile’s book, titled “Hacks: The Inside Story of the Break-ins and Breakdowns that Put Donald Trump in the White House,” will be released Tuesday by Hachette Books.

    Former Clinton campaign officials strongly disputed some details in Brazile’s account as well as her overall characterization of the campaign, and they disparaged her memoir as an effort to sell books and manufacture drama.

    More than 100 former senior aides issued an open letter Saturday night reading, “We do not recognize the campaign she portrays in the book.

    “We were shocked to learn the news that Donna Brazile actively considered overturning the will of the Democratic voters by attempting to replace Hillary Clinton and Tim Kaine as the Democratic Presidential and Vice Presidential nominees,” the letter began. “It is particularly troubling and puzzling that she would seemingly buy into false Russian-fueled propaganda, spread by both the Russians and our opponent, about our candidate’s health.”

    Perhaps not since George Stephanopoulos wrote “All Too Human,” a 1999 memoir of his years working for former President Clinton, has a political strategist penned such a blistering tell-all.

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    In it, Brazile reveals how fissures of race, gender and age tore at the heart of the operation — even as Clinton was campaigning on a message of inclusiveness and trying to assemble a rainbow coalition under the banner of “Stronger Together.”

    A veteran operative and television pundit who had long served as DNC’s vice chair, Brazile abruptly and, she writes, reluctantly took over in July 2016 for chairwoman Debbie Wasserman Schultz. The Florida congresswoman was ousted from the DNC on the eve of the party convention after WikiLeaks released stolen e-mails among her and her advisers that showed favoritism for Clinton during the competitive primaries.

    Brazile describes her mounting anxiety about Russia’s theft of e-mails and other data from DNC servers, the slow process of discovering the full extent of the cyberattacks, and the personal fallout. She likens the feeling to having rats in your basement: “You take measures to get rid of them, but knowing they are there, or have been there, means you never feel truly at peace.”

    Brazile writes that she was haunted by the still-unsolved murder of DNC data staffer Seth Rich and feared for her own life, shutting the blinds to her office window so snipers could not see her, and installing surveillance cameras at her home. She wonders whether Russians had placed a listening device in plants in the DNC executive suite.

    At first, Brazile writes of the hacking, top Democratic officials were “encouraging us not to talk about it.” But she says a wake-up moment came when she visited the White House in August 2016, for President Obama’s 55th birthday party. National security adviser Susan Rice and former attorney general Eric Holder Jr. separately pulled her aside to urge her to take the Russian hacking seriously, which she did, she writes.

    That fall, Brazile says she tried to persuade her Republican counterparts to agree to a joint statement condemning Russian interference but that they ignored her messages and calls.

    Backstage at a debate, she writes, she approached Sean Spicer, then-chief strategist for the Republican National Committee, but “I could see his eyes dart away like this was the last thing he wanted to talk to me about.” She asked RNC chairman Reince Priebus, too, but “I got that special D.C. frost where the person smiles when he sees you but immediately looks past you trying to find someone in the room to come right over and interrupt the conversation.”

    There would be no joint statement.

    The WikiLeaks releases included an e-mail in which Brazile, a paid CNN contributor at the time, shared potential topics and questions for a CNN town hall in advance with the Clinton campaign. She claims in her book that she did not recall sending the e-mail and could not find it in her computer archives. Nevertheless, she eventually admitted publicly to sending it, believing her reputation would have suffered regardless.

    At the Oct. 19 debate in Las Vegas, with the e-mail scandal simmering, the Clinton campaign sat Brazile not in the front row — where she had been at the previous debate — but in bleachers out of view of cameras. She recalls watching the debate with the Rev. Jesse Jackson, “among others whom they had to invite but wanted to tuck away.”

    Brazile describes in wrenching detail Clinton’s bout with pneumonia. On Sept. 9, she saw the nominee backstage at a Manhattan gala and she seemed “wobbly on her feet” and had a “rattled cough.” Brazile recommended Clinton see an acupuncturist.

    Two days later, Clinton collapsed as she left a Sept. 11 memorial service at Ground Zero in New York. Brazile blasts the campaign’s initial efforts to shroud details of her health as “shameful.”

    Whenever Brazile got frustrated with Clinton’s aides, she writes, she would remind them that the DNC charter empowered her to initiate the replacement of the nominee. If a nominee became disabled, she explains, the party chair would oversee a complicated process of filling the vacancy that would include a meeting of the full DNC.

    The DNC charter states that the chair would have to confer with Democratic members of Congress and governors and report to the full DNC, which is authorized to fill the vacancy.

    After Clinton’s fainting spell, some Democratic insiders were abuzz with talk of replacing her — and Brazile says she was giving it considerable thought.

    The morning of Sept. 12, Brazile got a call from Biden’s chief of staff saying the vice president wanted to speak with her. She recalls thinking, “Gee, I wonder what he wanted to talk to me about?” Jeff Weaver, campaign manager for Senator Bernie Sanders of Vermont, also called, to set up a call with his boss, and former Maryland governor Martin O’Malley sent her an e-mail.

    Brazile also was paid a surprise visit in her DNC office by Baker, who, she writes, was dispatched by the Clinton campaign “to make sure that Donna didn’t do anything crazy.”

    “Again and again I thought about Joe Biden,” Brazile writes. But, she adds, “No matter my doubts and my fears about the election and Hillary as a candidate, I could not make good on that threat to replace her.”

    Neither Baker nor any other senior campaign official were aware that Brazile had any thoughts about or actively contemplated changing the ticket, a senior Clinton campaign official said Saturday.